This article was first published on 5 May 2026 on Kirsty Hughes’s substack at https://kirstyhughes.substack.com/p/the-holyrood-elections-the-eu-on.
By Kirsty Hughes
Just over a day to the Holyrood elections and it’s safe to say that the European Union has not been the major issue in this generally lacklustre election campaign. Even so, it’s worth checking in briefly on where the Scottish parties claim to be at on the EU and what it tells us about our rather inward-looking politics.
The state of the NHS, the cost of living and migration dominate when voters are asked what issues will be very important in determining which way they vote. But Europe/EU/Brexit was mentioned by 16% of voters in Ipsos’ April poll – and by 23% of likely SNP voters. This compares to 27% of voters ranking migration as important and 25% ranking independence/devolution as important. Europe is not irrelevant, not least at a time of major global upheaval and uncertainty.
Europe and the EU anyone?
Holyrood, of course, doesn’t determine what the UK government does on EU-UK relations but it does have an external affairs remit (albeit foreign affairs are not devolved).
Overall, in their manifestos, party positions are not hugely surprising nor noticeably bold.
Scottish Labour are very timid with a brief mention in their manifesto that they support “efforts to build closer relationships with the EU, building on the progress made by the UK Labour Government”. Given Labour’s leader, Anas Sarwar, has not been keen to link his campaign to the Starmer government in any way, that is vague indeed and not at all challenging to Starmer’s ‘closer EU relations but stick to our red lines’ position.
The Scottish LibDems also mimic their UK-party line with the weak offer of aiming to join a customs union with the EU (fully rejoining the EU is something for the future). This customs union could, say the LibDems, “be set up in a new way that works best for the UK and Europe”. Quite how is unclear.
Of course, independence is the problem here for Labour and the LibDems. They don’t want to be seen in any way to support independence in the EU. But they know the UK rejoining the EU is not politically on the cards at the moment, even while a majority do now support rejoining.
Scottish Labour or LibDems could have said they would push the UK government to move to a rejoin position – but they don’t do this in their manifestos. And that’s despite the fact that Scottish public opinion is much more strongly in favour of rejoin (at 73% in a January Survation poll) than UK public opinion (at 55% rejoin in this YouGov poll).
The independence-supporting parties are clearly pro-EU in their manifestos, even if lacking in much detail. The SNP refers to restoring EU membership “as the best way to ensure our economic prosperity and long-term security” and criticise the billions of pounds that Brexit has cost so far. The Greens have independence in the EU upfront in their opening remarks and talk about getting ready for EU membership and continuing to develop our relationships with European partners. But it’s all broad brush stuff.
European hubs?
Sometimes, it’s in the detail that you see whether an issue is getting more attention. Back at the time of the 2021 elections, the Scottish government was very keen on its expansion of its European and international hubs in the previous years. And the Greens wanted two more EU hubs as one of their coalition requests after the election (in the event they got one, Nordic one). Now, there’s just some vague mentions.
In the middle of the SNP manifesto (p.41), there is a commitment to merge these hubs (some used to dub them ‘mini embassies’) with the Scottish international development offices – and expand their total number to over 40 – with the key aim of attracting international investment and helping Scottish business. There’s no mention of expanding Scotland’s EU bases – just a brief reference to Silicon Valley. Previously, the EU hubs were seen as having an important political profile (while respecting the role of UK embassies that they were mostly located within). Now these embryonic embassies look, it seems, like being absorbed back into investment and trade promotion.
Interestingly, the Greens too are keen on international expansion but with no mention of the EU. They want to expand: “ Scotland’s external representation networks to key global cities and regions”. It’s all global. And Labour is in on this one too, wanting to: “assess[ing] them for value for money and ensuring they are located where they can best support Scotland’s export growth.”
Independence in the EU as a real strategy after the election?
So, the SNP, Greens and Labour are all keen to focus on exports and investment. But if the SNP really want to push independence forward after the election – together with the Greens presumably – then being on the front foot on its EU offices, sharpening their role, and prioritising European locations and relationship-building would seem an obvious priority. That EU offices are not prioritised by the SNP or Greens may reflect lack of preparation for deepening EU relations – at potentially a crucial time for a renewed independence debate. Or it may reflect a view that there’s more likely to be a push for a referendum, a rejection of that by the UK government, and a lack of a plan for what comes after that. Either way, it looks somewhat shallow.
Brexiters are keeping quiet
As for the Brexiters of Reform and the Tory party, Reform’s Scottish manifesto does touch on independence in the EU briefly. It states, with curious confidence in the views of independence supporters: “purist nationalists have rumbled the SNP false independence narrative within the EU and question why they would ever swap the “yoke” of London for Brussels”. It’s not a resounding defence of Brexit.
And the Scottish Tories do not appear to have anything to say on Brexit or Europe (perhaps I missed it), though they do want to cut Scottish government spending on international aid. And, interestingly enough, they also want to promote Scottish exports. Some small bit of cross-party consensus after all, maybe.
It may be no surprise that the Scottish parties are keener to debate the NHS and cost of living than Brexit and rejoining the EU as the key strategy at a time of deep geopolitical upheaval. And the Greens do have a wider range of positions on international issues in their manifesto. But it’s not an outward-looking election at all.
Yet how Scotland fares in the next five years will be determined, probably most of all, by our unstable and changing world. And if the damage wrought by President Trump is to be countered, then Europe and the EU, together with other democracies around the world, will need to be a vital and major part of that fight back. Europe as an afterthought won’t help Scotland or the UK. And that debate will need to come back once Scotland’s new government is installed.
The European Movement in Scotland is committed to promoting the essential European value of free speech. Consequently, we regularly publish articles by leading academics, journalists and others discussing issues germane to Scotland’s place in Europe. Such articles do not necessarily reflect the views of the European Movement in Scotland.